Research (30)

Violence and harassment against women in the news media: a global picture reveals the findings of a survey of nearly 1,000 female journalists and provides the first comprehensive picture of the dangers faced by many women working in news media around the world.

"Critiques of media coverage of sexual violence in general and rape in particular tend to focus primarily on sins of commission. While some of these—such as sensationalism and prurience—are professionally indefensible, others are more complicated: the amount and type of detail to be included in news reports,

NWMI Bangalore meeting, February 9 to 11, 2007

Paper presented by Dilrukshi Handunnetti, Editor-Investigations and Political Correspondent, The Sunday Leader, Sri Lanka

Is there any reasons for the Indian media to show collective interest in covering Sri Lanka’s raging conflict? If yes, what are they?

It is now an established fact that several Tamil militant groups including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) received military training in different parts in India since the early 1970’s. This fact was never reported in the Indian media at that time. The state did not recognise this fact either. Politically, this extension of support was interpreted to be an indication of India’s unofficial assistance to a northern Tamil movement to carve out a separate homeland/state. Official war broke out in 1983 with the killing of 13 government troops and the Sinhelese responded with a terrible ethnic backlash. When violence escalated in the north and there was significant delay in sending essential supplies to the north, the Rajiv Gandhi administration air dropped dhal and rice to “feed the starving Tamil population”. This diplomatic faux pas soured Indo-Lanka relations drastically. Then came the political phase. In 1987, the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord was signed between Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J R Jayawardene to move towards a political settlement.
As a consequence, power was devolved in Sri Lanka through the setting up of provincial councils.
Indian troops, known as the Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) arrived in Sri Lanka to assist government forces to militarily crush the LTTE and other militant organizations operating in the north. The IPKF was soon in open conflict with the LTTE. Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated on May 21, 1991 in Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu by a LTTE woman suicide bomber named Thenmuli Rajaratnam. He was on a political campaign.

How does the Indian media cover the Sri Lankan conflict?
For this exercise, three journalists were tasked to survey the Indian print and television media. The ad hoc survey covered the period of 2000-2006 December. The survey led us to reach the following conclusions.

The Sri Lankan conflict was one of the most reported and less analyzed stories in India. The spill over effect has not caused Indian media to report the many angles to the conflict from the Indian perspective. Any kind on reporting on Sri Lanka could be largely classified into two categories-the promotion of the country’s image as an exotic and historical land or as the war torn neighbour.Regular reporting of incidents such as casualties, bombings, capture of land and increasing refugees to some extent gets recorded in the Tamil Nadu media.The Hindu has a Colombo correspondent and Narayan Swamy reports from New Delhi. It is obvious that one of the biggest stories as well as a human tragedy is of no significance. The general Indian reporting on the Sri Lankan conflict, despite the serious political and security implications to India appeared event- based. Different regions/states covered the conflict differently.

North — Largely event-based. More political angles covered such as pace talks, Norwegian facilitation and Premier Manmohan Singh’s regular appeals to the Colombo administration to resume talks. The stories dealt with statistics than issues. There were few reports on the humanitarian crisis. More knee jerk stories.
South — There was consistent coverage. The South also had a lot of local stories. The coverage was broad. The stories/clippings urging support for the Northern Tamil populations. Some were full of advocacy- ie; the need for a separate Tamil homeland in northern Sri Lanka. A few stories traced the historical relations between South Indian and Sri Lanka. With the outbreak of war in 2006, wave of fresh reporting ensued on the question of Sri Lankan refugees. Following the 2002 truce between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, some 70,000 Sri Lankan refugees returned to Sri Lanka. At that time, a little over 200,000-made South Indian camps their home. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister K Karunandhi and General Secretary, MDMK, V Gopalaswamy alias Vaiko dominated the stories.
A positive phase in reporting was experienced during the same period. There was a fair balance of reports based on statistics as well as issues. More opinion pieces published. Humanitarian crisis significantly covered.
Assam — Was more radical in reporting. There was a certain level of advocacy. Largely sympathetic to the Tamil cause.The overall reporting showed lacked in depth coverage and a serious lack vibrant discussion. Event based reporting. The above despite serious political and security implications for India.

SRI LANKA — Politics of presence and the invisibility of women
Women representation at the dialogue level. No women have been included in the island’s peace process in a real way. Cosmetic representation was given to women when Housing and Public Amenities Minister and a Muslim political party leader, Ferial Ashraff was included in the government delegation during the only round of peace talks held since the ascendancy of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The LTTE also included a woman during the same round of talks.

Women as experts — There are no women experts generally commenting on the peace process, conflict or the political aspects of the same. There isn’t a strong enough voice raised by the elected women legislators as well. Some women activists focus on human rights, the humanitarian crisis and psychological needs of victims of war. Few women have done academic work — Dr. Rajini Thiranagama who was critical both of the government and the LTTE and wrote a book titled the “Broken Palmyra” was killed in Jaffna by the LTTE
Government forces — Employs women but none of them have ended as the commander in chief or as chief of staff, the two top ranks Only two years ago, SLAF began recruiting women as cadet pilots Women perform non-combatant duties in all three forces. No woman has reached beyond a certain rank in all three armed forces. The only woman who reached a rank of recognition was Premila Diwakara, a Superintendent of Police (SP)

LTTE cadres — LTTE has a separate women’s brigade named “Malathi”. The Liberation Tigers recruit child soldiers, both male and female children. Women were originally used for LTTE propaganda work. Later women began performing a special duty within the LTTE frame work — as human bombs

Women journalists less visible in conflict coverage
Just a handful have entered this beat when they do, they cover the conflict from Colombo by analyzing reports or dealing with the political aspects. There is still competition from male colleagues to secure this beat women reporters are less likely to be given a beat that is considered “extremely male”
Women perceived by most editors to be lacking in depth knowledge about conflict, war strategy and peace initiatives. Considered physically less capable of working in the conflict ridden zones
The visits to conflict areas are either military sponsored or sometimes, LTTE assisted. Either way, neither party allows easy access to all areas or to information. Both sides offer a distorted and biased picture. However, the coverage of the conflict by women demonstrated diversity with more angles being covered. Women reporters emphasized on the humanitarian crisis, about health, hygiene, child recruitment, soil and water contamination, psychological needs, environmental degradation and women as victims male reporters in contrast confined themselves to confine reporting to events, military strategy and statistics.

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Tuesday, 07 January 2014 17:41

Study on the coverage of elections 2004

Written by

Monitoring television content: Citizen's response

Source: Study conducted by Viewers Forum and Centre for Advocacy and Research (CFAR)


The 2004 General elections began with the NDA government releasing ads with the slogans `India Shining' and speaking of the `feel good factor '. It asked the public for a renewed mandate on its positive economic / development record. It also fought this election on a personality plank: Prime Minister, A.B. Vajpayee against Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, Congress president. These became the focus of the 2004 election campaign for both the Government and the main Opposition parties.

For the first time, a general election campaign was covered in such an extensive manner by multiple 24-hour TV news channels. Given this extensive TV coverage, Election 2004 has been termed the first `live’ TV election in the country. Some have gone so far as to say these elections were contested on TV rather than on the ground. Also, for the first time, political parties such as the BJP and Congress set up TV news monitoring cells to track the coverage.

Scope of present study

In view of the number of 24-hour news channels and the importance given to the electronic media’s coverage, Viewers' Forum and CFAR felt it important to monitor TV news coverage of Election 2004. The aim was to examine:

  • The parameters within which TV channels framed the issues thrown up during the campaign
  • The coverage of issues directly concerning voters
  • The focus of the coverage: was it on human development issues or was it more about personalities?
  • How far the TV channels were balanced in their coverage of issues, parties, personalities, etc

Viewers forum

The Viewers' Forum is an audience collective and community-centred initiative. The objectives of Viewers’ Forum are to create a forum where consumers, media advocates, policy makers, media planners, sponsors, broadcasters and TV producers can meet and exchange viewpoints; to inform and improve the quality of consumer participation in the on-going public discourse on the media, especially television and to empower viewers so that they can play a role in helping to shape the media they consume.

This media monitoring study of Election 2004 was conducted on a daily and week-to-week basis. A dozen women representing a cross-section of voters - middle class housewives, basti-dwellers, physically challenged - have helped conduct the study.


The monitoring study covers a two-month period from 8 March to 7 May, 2004. This report summarises findings based on data processed for the above period over a total of nine weeks.


Week 1
8 March 2004 - 12 March 2004
Week 2
15 March 2004 - 19 March 2004
Week 3
22 March 2004 - 26 March 2004
Week 4
29 March 2004 - 2 April 2004
Week 5
5 April 2004 - 9 April 2004
Week 6
12 April 2004 - 16 April 2004
Week 7
19 April 2004-24 April 2004
Week 8
26 April 2004 - 30 April 2004
Week 9
3 May 2004 - 7 May 2004


DD News and the top private, satellite 24-hour news channels in the North, namely, Aaj Tak, NDTV 24X7 (only English channel), NDTV INDIA, Star News, Zee News.

Bulletins monitored
A total of 871 news bulletins across nine weeks.

Spread of bulletins:

  • Weekdays: Four major bulletins on each channel, Monday-Friday
  • Timing: Between 9.00 and 21.30

Bulletins were monitored for 30 minutes, beginning on the hour. With the election coverage attracting considerable advertising, actual period of news bulletins varied. Commercial breaks per half-hour were between six-nine minutes. Aaj Tak registered the longest commercial breaks- sometimes at ten minutes per half-hour.

Coverage of national and development stories

Though election coverage was as high as 60 per cent across the news channels, major national and development issues received poor coverage. A mere 4.3 per cent of the election-related news was based on national (1.6 per cent ) and development issues (2.7 per cent).

Coverage of development story as main subject

Development Story
Frequency (%)
Local Self Governance
Infrastructure/Civic Amenities
Human Rights
Women related stories
Women’s Rights
Women’s Reservation
Women- Girl Education

The J&K Permanent Resident [Disqualification] Bill, 2004 is not included in this table.

In general, development was mentioned in passing during campaigns speeches and manifestos, etc. For example, the period 5 April to16 April registered an increase in development coverage because `vikas’ featured as an election promise in the NDA, Samajwadi Party manifestos and the Congress Vision Document.

In the last three weeks of the election- 19 April to 7 May- development issues were spoken of in campaign speeches, interviews or when voters questioned the lack of development in their constituencies and threatened to boycott the elections.

Local self-governance received relatively more coverage, finding mention in campaign speeches. Unemployment / employment received some coverage in week one (8 March to 12 March) and week six (12 April to 16 April). In week one it featured as part of the `India Shining’ ad campaign controversy. In week six it recurred in campaign speeches (especially Vajpayee’s).

In National Issues, Bofors and Sonia Gandhi surfaced in week five (5th April to9th April) after a newspaper revived the controversy.

Religion / communalism / secularism were largely ignored with only one per cent of the coverage. Ayodhya only surfaced as a major issue in week five when it was included in the NDA manifesto, released that week. It is interesting that though L.K.Advani and Sonia Gandhi campaigned in Gujarat, the communal riots of 2002 were ignored as an election issue by them - and the media.

Women’s issues received negligible coverage. When they did, it was in a specific context: the J&K Permanent Resident [Disqualification] Bill, 2004 (week one) which received 1.4 per cent of the election coverage; the sari stampede in Lucknow (week six) and in week nine (3 May to 7 May) Mehbooba Mufti's lifting the 'burkha' of an NC worker during her campaign, created a controversy.

Across channels, the coverage of development and national issues was uniformly poor. Star News and the NDTV channels had more coverage of them while the national, public broadcaster, DD News had the lowest.

Coverage of political parties

In our data, we found that political parties received two types of coverage:

  • Visual footage combined with sound bytes from campaign speeches, press conferences, party meetings or individual candidates / spokespersons asked a question
  • Exclusive interviews with politicians, officials, the public on individual channels
Visual Footage/Sound bytes
Frequency in %
Press Conference
Party Headquarters
Party Meetings

Coverage of political parties based on audio-visual feeds 

Per cent
AkaliI Dal
Trinamul Gana Parishad
Lok Jan Shakti
JD (S)

Political / Religious Groups: Hurriyat-3, VHP/RSS-24

On calculating the coverage parties received on the basis of the audio-visual feeds we found:

These general elections were contested by 42 political parties. On TV news channels, 26 political parties received varying degrees of coverage. The remaining 16 political parties were ignored. From a national and regional party perspective, seven national parties completely dominated TV news channels with 85 per cent of the total election coverage.

The media treated the elections as a straight contest between the two main national parties - BJP and Congress. Even here, the BJP dominates coverage across all weeks, all channels. The gap between the BJP and the Congress is considerable – approximately 15 per cent. However Congress has an edge in the category of stories related to Electoral Procedures (Ticket Distribution and Filing Nominations). The reason mainly being Sonia Gandhi and the entry of the young brigade in the Congress Party.

Five other parties receive between 3-2 per cent each, another six get only 1 per cent each, and the remaining 3 parties received less than one per cent coverage each. Parties from the South receive poor coverage - DMK and AIADMK are almost out of the picture.

In terms of pre-poll alliances, the NDA as a coalition receives a little over 50 per cent of the coverage while the Congress and its allies cross 40 per cent. However, the allies of the two parties received very little distinct coverage – 5 per cent for NDA partners of the BJP, 8 per cent for the Congress allies. Parties that did not align with either of these two parties, such as the Samajwadi Party, BSP, CPI- and CPI–M received between 3-1 per cent each.

In the last three weeks, coverage of other parties picked up, going up by seven per cent. This increase is primarily because leaders like Laloo Prasad Yadav were involved in poll related controversies such as the Chapra re-pollng issue. Secondly, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Amar Singh of the SP are heard from more frequently as exit polls, after every phase of polling, indicated a possible hung Parliament that could see the SP play an important role in government formation. Moreover, this was the period when Vajpayee claimed in the course of his campaign that the SP and NDA thought alike. The SP strenuously denied this.

Political personalities

If the coverage of political parties was completely dominated by BJP and Congress, this coverage became further concentrated when we look at the politicians most often quoted / seen. Over nine weeks, we found that a few top leaders from the two parties received the most coverage: the top 6 BJP politicians account for 72 per centof the sound bytes from BJP leaders while the top seven Congress leaders account for 57 prercent of Congress sound bytes.

Coverage of top party leaders

BJP’s top Spokesperson
Congress’s top spokesperson
L.K. Advani
Sonia Gandhi
Kapil Sibal
V. Naidu
Rahul Gandhi
A. Jaitely
121 2.8%
A Soni
A Sharma
> 1%
P Mukherjee
> 1%
Priyanka Gandhi
> 1%
Other party main spokespersons Frequency
Laloo Yadav (RJD) 91 2.2%
Mulayam Singh Yadav (Samajwadi Party)
62 1.5%
Sharad Pawar (NCP) 48 1.1%
George Fernandes (JDU) 45 1%
Mayawati (BSP) 36 0.85%
Amar Singh (Samajwadi Party) 35 0.85%

These leaders were either major party leaders – Vajpayee, Advani, Venkaiah Naidu, Sonia Gandhi - or party spokespersons such as Kapil Sibal, Ambika Soni, M.A Naqvi. The Gandhi children were immediate media darlings as soon as they decide to enter into the political arena in Week 4.

For the other parties, the only politicians who received significant coverage were the leaders of individual parties like Laloo Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh, Sharad Pawar and George Fernandes.

Individual political personalities
The three top leaders – A.B.Vajpayee and L.K.Advani of BJP and Sonia Gandhi of Congress - together cornered 25 per cent of the coverage devoted to politicians.

L.K. Advani received as much coverage as the three highest placed Congress leaders: Sonia Gandhi, Kapil.Sibal and Rahul Gandhi. This is almost entirely due to coverage of his Uday Yatra during the first six weeks. In the next three weeks, when his Yatra was over, his appearances on TV were lower than Vajpayee, Sonia Gandhi, Venkaiah Naidu or even BJP spokesperson, Naqvi.

Conversely, A.B.Vajpayee barely figures in the first month of coverage of the campaign. However, in the last three weeks, he receives the highest coverage. Thus, between them, the two top BJP leaders remained the most visible political personalities across the nine weeks.

Sonia Gandhi was the only Congress leader to receive coverage throughout our monitoring period. Other than Sonia Gandhi, there was poor representation of women throughout. Whereas Mayawati, Ambika Soni, Mehbooba Mufti, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dixit and Priyanka Gandhi receive some coverage, Chief Ministers Jayalalitha, Vasundharaje Scindia, Uma Bharati and Trinamool’s Mamta Banerjee are conspicuous by their virtual absence.

Star personalities 
Film actors like Govinda and Dharmendra who joined the Congress and BJP, respectively, received more coverage than many regular individual politicians.

Election commission

Inspite of the electoral procedures being ranked as the second highest category in the election coverage and a number of controversies - opinion polls, political parties’ ad campaigns, poll violations and poll violence - the EC maintained a low profile. The Election Commission received a mere 3 percent of the coverage.

Public voices

Public representation was 12.5. per cent over the entire monitoring period. The last three weeks saw higher coverage for the public on account of news channels like Star News, NDTV’s channels and DD News introducing specific segments in which the public posed questions to politicians. These were Hum Aapke Hain Kaun (Star), Gaon Gaon Se (NDTV India) and Kaante Ki Takkar (DD News).

However, women’s representation in the public was very poor.

Story variations

In terms of individual story categories, the channels had major variations. These included the following:

  • The election campaign of different parties/personalities dominated the election coverage. DD News registered the highest coverage (284 times/712 minutes) and NDTV 24X7 the lowest (182 times/262 minutes)
  • DD News’ coverage of UdayYatra (188 minutes) was more than double the Yatra’s coverage on NDTV India and Zee News (73 minutes each), three times more than Star News (52 minutes) and four times the coverage on NDTV 24X7 ( 47 minutes) and Aaj Tak ( 45 minutes).
  • Overall, Uday Yatra received six times the coverage of Sonia’s roadshow. DD News gave Sonia’s roadshow the most visibility with 37 minutes – this almost equaled the combined coverage of the other 5 channels. Aaj Tak had the lowest coverage (5 minutes).
  • Vajpayee’s campaign was dominant on DD (139min) followed by NDTV India (81 min). NDTV 24x7 has the lowest coverage on Vajpayee’s campaign (51 min). Aaj Tak, Star News and Zee News had an average of 60 minutes coverage.
  • PR and AD campaigns was highest on Star News (42 min) and lowest on Zee News (20 min)
  • The range for the other channels was between 25-35 minutes.
  • Inter-party politicking was high on four channels – Aaj Tak, Star News, DD News, and NDTV India.
  • Alliances was on highest on NDTV India (70 min) and lowest on Aaj Tak (26 min).
  • Stories related to EC were high on NDTV India (216 min) Star News (200 min) and DD News (192 min) and lowest on Zee News (109 min).
  • Star personalities received the most coverage on Star News (46 minutes) and NDTV India (42 minutes). DD News had the lowest with 14 minutes.
  • Personal attacks on politicians found highest coverage on Aaj Tak (54 minutes) - that was almost double of Star News (26 minutes). The remaining four channels accorded low priority: between 15 minutes (NDTV India) and 6 minutes on DD News.
  • DD News had the highest coverage in four areas – in the overall party campaigns, Uday Yatra, Sonia’s roadshow and manifestos. This indicates a high degree of selectivity since DD News’ overall coverage of the elections was lower than most other channels at 58 per cent. 
    NDTV 24X7 had the lowest overall coverage especially for Uday Yatra, Inter party politicking, party campaigns, ticket distribution.

Variation in coverage of political parties

The coverage of political parties was fairly similar across channels. It may be noted, however, that

  • DD News devoted maximum coverage to BJP and Congress with BJP receiving almost double that given to the Congress. DD News had the lowest coverage on RJD, JD(U) and NCP.
  • Zee News was the lowest on BJP, Congress and RJD.

Channel variation of political personalities

If we look at the channel coverage, of the total coverage received by the top BJP leadership, we find tha pattern consistent with earlier findings – that is the BJP and Congress received high coverage on DD News

  • DD News scored the highest with 22 %
  • Low coverage for the top six BJP leaders was on Aaj Tak and NDTV 24X7, with 13% each

For the top Congress leaders-

  • NDTV India (20 per cent) and DD News (19%) had the highest coverage
  • NDTV 24x7 and Star News had the lowest with 14%

Coverage of individual political personalities

  • DD gave Vajpayee, L.K.Advani and Sonia Gandhi the most coverage.
  • NDTV’s channels registered the lowest sound- bytes for L.K. Advani.
  • Vajpayee and Sonia were high on DD News and NDTV India.
  • Vajpayee was lowest on Aaj Tak.
  • Sonia Gandhi was lowest on Star News.
  • Arun Jaitely was very popular on the two NDTV channels.
  • Rahul Gandhi was equally popular with all channels.
  • Laloo Prasad Yadav was most visible on NDTV India and barely seen on Zee News and DD News.
  • Mulayam Singh Yadav had high visibility on NDTV and low on Aaj Tak and NDTV 24X7, Aaj Tak and DD News.

Highlights of findings

  • High coverage of elections across channels.
  • All India coverage.
  • Variations in coverage across weeks, channels.
  • Intensive and concentrated coverage in terms of stories, parties, personalities.
  • National and Development issues very poorly represented.
  • Poor public representation.
  • Dominance of electoral procedures and campaigns and party debates.
  • Political acrimony on India Shining, Sonia Gandhi, Ad campaigns.
  • Opinion polls occupy major space.
  • Dominance of BJP and Congress with BJP coverage higher.
  • Other parties receive poor coverage.
  • A.B.Vajpayee, L.K.Advani and Sonia Gandhi dominant.

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April 2003
Ammu Joseph

The world's media, which besieged the New York headquarters of the United Nations in March 2003, hungry for news from the beleaguered Security Council on the proposed war on Iraq, paid little attention to the fact that a document meant to provide a boost to the participation and access of women to the media, as well as information and communications technologies (ICTs), was being discussed elsewhere in the building during that period.

The "agreed conclusions" on the subject were ultimately adopted by the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) on 14 March 2003, the last day of its 47th session, after two weeks of deliberations and negotiations. The document is expected to provide direction for policy and action at the national and international levels to promote the use of media and ICTs for the advancement and empowerment of women.

Interestingly, the session was unusually and dramatically suspended later that evening because no consensus could be reached on the final document relating to the second theme under consideration by the CSW this year: violence against women. But that, too, went largely unnoticed by the war-obsessed media.

Given the fact that this was the first time the Commission was focusing attention on ICTs and that there is currently considerable international interest in the World Summit on the Information Society (Geneva 2003 and Tunis 2005), it was perhaps inevitable that ICTs should have overtaken, even taken over, the media in various CSW-related documents, including the agreed conclusions. However, it is still regrettable. Fifteen of the 24 actions recommended by the Commission do mention the media, but the document is weaker than it would have been if the media had not been arbitrarily clubbed with ICTs in most instances.

Thanks to the neglect of "traditional" media in all the excitement about the "new" media during the CSW session, the final document does not reflect the fresh thinking on issues of gender and the media across the world, which was evident in the process leading up to the meeting.

The media and ICT-related process included an online discussion over a four-week period in August-September 2002 and two expert group meetings (EGMs) convened by the UN Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) in collaboration with other UN entities in November 2002. While one EGM, held in Beirut, focused on the "participation and access of women to the media, and the impact of media on and its use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of women," the other, which took place in Seoul, concentrated on "information and communication technologies and their impact on and use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of women." The reports of the two EGMs are supposed to have formed the basis of the UN Secretary General's report to the Commission on the theme of women and the media and ICTs. The first day of the CSW session, which began on 3 March, featured a panel discussion during which speakers highlighted key issues relating to the theme, including those contained in the EGM reports.

Many of the points made in the report of the EGM on women and the media are missing in the final document. For instance, it does not adequately address the increasingly complex environment in which the media now operate, in the wake of the recent and ongoing transformation of global media systems, especially in terms of ownership, financing and control, not to mention the impact of globalization. The Beirut EGM had pointed out that issues relating to gender and the media had to be viewed and understood in this context if they were to be effectively tackled.

Similarly, the CSW document does not sufficiently reflect EGM recommendations on policies as enabling frameworks. One result of this is that it does not adequately address issues such as women's right to information and communication, the relevance and role of public service media, the need for both independence and accountability in the media, and so on. Nor does the document deal with a number of EGM recommendations on women's access to employment and decision-making, including the importance of ensuring the access and participation of women who are variously disadvantaged (by race/ethnicity/caste, religion, health/ability, etc.). In addition, the document fails to reflect the new thinking and strategies outlined in the EGM report that could be used to improve the situation with regard to representation, portrayal and other content-related issues.

The report of the Beirut EGM clearly highlighted the need for action is to tackle the continuing under-representation of women in both media professions and content, and their misrepresentation in the latter. The fact that content remains a problem even in the new millennium was underscored by the results of new research presented at a side-event that took place during the CSW session.

One of the many interesting findings of the Southern African Gender and Media Baseline Study, the regional report of which was launched at the event, was that women's views and voices continue to be grossly under-represented in the media. For instance, the multi-country study found that women constitute 17 per cent of known news sources (which is close to the global figure of 18 per cent revealed by the Global Media Monitoring Project in 2000), even though they constitute 52 per cent of the population in the region. The study, spearheaded by Gender Links and the Media Institute of Southern Africa, examined news coverage in a range of media across 12 countries of the region over a one-month period (September 2002). The survey included both print and electronic media in the private, public and community sectors, covered 36 per cent of the media in southern Africa, and involved both quantitative and qualitative analysis.

The neglect of some of these media-specific matters is clearly due to the fact that the media seem to have been tagged on to ICTs, without much thought, throughout the discussions leading up to the final document. While the media and ICTs are clearly related, there are obviously some issues that are more relevant and critical to one or the other. Those that relate specifically to the media in the new millennium could perhaps have been more seriously and constructively addressed by the CSW.

Nevertheless, a number of actions contained in the agreed conclusions of the 47th session of the CSW may well help address the remaining hurdles in the way of women's access to and participation in the media and ICTs. They also highlight the need to ensure that the media, information and communication promote women's equality and human rights, including their right to freedom of expression and to information. 

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Tuesday, 07 January 2014 17:35

A feminist analysis of media conglomeration : 2004

Written by

by Carolyn M. Byerly
Presented at Network of Women in Media, India
Bandra, India, 13 January, 2004

[Note: This presentation is excerpted from my chapter "Women and Media Concentration, " in R. R. Rush, E. C. Oukrup, and P. J. Creedon (Eds.), Seeking Equity for Women in Journalism and Mass Communication: A 30-Year Update, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates (in press).]

Commercial news has been the locus of feminist interest for nearly two centuries, owing to its recognized ability to circulate information and ideas on current issues to a mass public and to establish agendas for debate and public policy. However, large commercial news companies today are more or less inseparable from entertainment, educational and other media enterprises, which since the mid 1980s have merged into six huge multinational media conglomerates —AOL Time Warner, Disney, Viacom, News Corporation, Bertelsmann, and Vivendi, the first three of which are headquartered in the United States. These corporations own the majority of newspapers; network and cable television and radio stations; both conventional and cellular telephone companies; and Internet news sites. Both United Nations and civic groups recognize these conglomerates as the backbone of today's capitalist global economy, both in terms of the massive resources they command and the essential functions they perform. Media conglomerates have also been increasingly influential in economic, political and cultural forums that constitute the public sphere.

Media conglomeration today, which has no shortage of critiques, lacks a feminist analysis, even though gender is a deeply imbedded aspect of the phenomenon. Sociologist Saskia Sassen (1998), who has expanded critiques of globalization by factoring in gender, has charged feminist scholars like myself with the task of making women's role in global economics more visible. Gender is deeply fixed in all things associated with globalization, which refers to the process by which national economic systems are restructuring into an integrated whole with a few nations at the center of control and the recognized beneficiaries. The globalization process has been characterized by an international division of labor, quick transfer of capital through computerization, the privatization of many publicly held services and functions, and the concentration of ownership in manufacturing, banking and all other major industries.

Canadian communications scholar Michèle Martin (2002) reasons that media systems today serve as the instruments through which modern capitalism both produces and reproduces wealth, with the owners of those systems having greater control and access to revenues than ever before (p. 53). Locating in this process requires that we consider how women figure into both macro-level and micro-level realms of media conglomerates. The macro-level is associated with relations of power between men and women in the industries, in terms of investment, executive-level decision-making and employment. The micro-level is associated with media content, particularly the representation of women as subjects and coverage of issues relevant to women's lives.

Of course, the concentration of ownership in the news media is not entirely new, either globally or within the U.S., where half of today's giant media conglomerates —AOL Time Warner, Disney and Viacom —are headquartered. In the late nineteenth century, the global market for news was controlled by a media cartel formed by three European news agencies that had agreed in writing which markets each would control (Siochrú & Girard, 2002, p. 29). In the U.S., chain ownership in newspapers had made its appearance by 1900, and by the 1940s, cross-media ownership was common, with about a fourth of the broadcast outlets (then radio) owned by newspapers in the same market (Compaine & Gomery, 2000: 7, 46). But federal regulation in media ownership, monitored by the Federal Communications Commission , prevented major movement toward monopoly ownership until the 1980s, when strongly pro-corporate President Ronald Reagan, a Republican, took office. Under Reagan, both congressional legislation and administrative policy unleashed an era of deregulation, thereby encouraging the rapid concentration of ownership in U.S.-based businesses and industries of all kinds. Major news corporations (including newspapers, magazines and broadcast industries) had dwindled from 53 in the mid 1970s to 29 in the mid 1980s, under President Reagan (Bagdikian, 1987, pp. 3-5). But support for deregulation and conglomeration were by no means associated with Republican administrations alone. In 1996, under Democratic President Bill Clinton, Congress passed and the president signed the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation, which received almost no media coverage or debate before its enactment, unleashed a rapid process of mergers and acquisitions among media enterprises that resulted in the emergence of six major players on the global stage by the end of the 1990s (Herman & McChesney, 1997).

The news scene had become a vastly different landscape by then, as traditional print and broadcast technologies became integrated with computer-driven technologies. Today, nearly all major newspapers, radio and television networks, both in the US and elsewhere, also have websites that are updated at least once daily, making their information available in multiple venues and formats. In addition, many profit and not-for-profit organizations have launched their own electronic news services, vastly increasing the range of perspectives available to users of computer technology. Nevertheless, Internet information lacks the pervasiveness of broadcast media, or even newspapers and magazines, which circulate within visual range the world over daily.

It's important to emphasize the economic dimension of the situation, including the beneficiaries. Using data from the 1997 Fortune 1000 list, Compaine and Gomery point out that only the pharmaceutical industry's median profit margin of 16.1 percent was higher than the newspaper industry's own at 11.4 percent. Both of these industries had substantially higher revenues than the overall median profit margin of 5.5 percent, among all corporations (Compaine & Gomery, 2000, pp. 4-5). These researchers found that revenues across media industries between 1986 and 1997 nearly tripled, while the U.S. economy as a whole only doubled (p. 564). In other words, the biggest players in U.S. media industries made enormous profits over a relatively short amount of time.

United Nations' data for the same period indicate that global communications industries generated profits of $2 trillion in the 1986-96 decade, more than doubling the $745 billion they had earned in the decade before (World Investment Report, 1996). These industries form the centerpiece of the global political economy, both in terms of the infrastructure they provide and the information they transmit. For this reason, we must give careful scrutiny to the deeper questions of why the concentration of media ownership and the nature of content carried by news and other media matter to women.

Women have had little involvement in either bringing these events about or in benefiting from them. A study published by the Annenberg Public Policy Center (2002) titled No Room at the Top? found that across telecommunications and electronic commerce (e-comm) industries, women make up only 13 percent of the top executives, and only 9% of boards of directors. Women, the report said, make up only 26 percent of local TV news directors, 17 percent of local TV general managers, and only 13 percent of the general managers at radio station. Byerly's (2001) analysis of the big six media corporations revealed only seven females on boards and seven females in chief executive office positions —a total of 14 at the top (See Fig. 1).

It would be a gross understatement to say that men have almost total control of the media industries. This essential fact of gender relations in the business world in general and the media world in particular represents an enduring rather than new pattern and one of considerable urgency for a number of reasons. One is that more wealth than at any time in history has been consolidated into the hands of relatively few men, and nearly all of those men are in the already most powerful nations of the North. Another is that currently the media industries have an extensive network throughout the world, giving them access to vast markets and audiences in rural and urban areas of both developing and industrialized nations. Men's power to influence, thus, runs unfettered through the structures of economic, political and cultural systems. Conversely, there is little evidence that women have either the resources or legal strategies to enter into the industries in sufficient numbers to influence policy or production, in the interest of women, except on a limited basis.

Company andNational Headquarters
Females on Boards of Directors
Female Chief Executives
AOL-Time Warner (US)
Walt Disney (US)
Viacom (US)
News Corporation (Australia)
Vivendi Universal (France)
Bertelsmann (Germany)

Fig. 1. Female representation on boards of directors and in chief executive positions of the six largest media corporations. (Byerly 2001)

The international scene is similarly bleak. Gallagher's (1995) cross-cultural analysis of female professionals in media fields found that women reached 50 percent in only two nations, Estonia and Lithuania. In the rest, women seemed to fare best in radio and television overall, but most were employed either part-time or in temporary positions, Gallagher found. The higher paid technical jobs are almost exclusively men's. In the US, where women have enjoyed substantial movement into the middle and lower echelons of the corporate world in the last few decades, their role in media is shrinking. A recent study by the American Society of Newspaper Editors found that the percentage of women in newspaper reporting and editing positions is only around 37 percent and that is slightly lower than in earlier years (quoted in Lauer, 2002). Women account for only 24 percent of television news directors and 20 percent of radio news directors, according to the 2001 Women and Minorities Survey conducted by the US-based Radio-Television News Directors Association and Foundation (quoted in Lauer, 2002).

Especially invisible in examinations of women in news and other media industries are women employed in the telecommunication fields that complement or otherwise enable news industries to exist. A 1995 study by the Institute for Women's Policy Research, Washington DC, reported that the number of women has surpassed men in telecommunications employment, where unionization has helped them obtain salaries more than twice that of women in other areas of the service sector, both in rank and file jobs and supervisory posts (quoted in Byerly, 2001 Winter, p. 66). The same cannot be said about the poorly paid women who work in high tech factories making computer components for equipment essential to news professionals and others at the middle and top. The labor of these workers, whose work is often performed in sweatshops located in developing nations is what Sassen (1998) calls devalorized (i.e., underpaid and undervalued) though essential. By contrast, those who do little of the production but who surpervise or control the decision-making and utilization of capital in telecommunications are overvalorized, Sassen says. The result, of course, is a class system on a world scale that is decidedly male in its hierarchy, in spite of a modern global women's movement that has lasted three decades. (For a longer useful theoretical discussion, see Sassen, 1998, pp. 86-89).

At the micro-level, recent research shows that not only have women reporters, editors and news producers been scarce in print and broadcast industries, but so have women's voices and issues in these channels. On American television, women represented only 11 percent of all guests appearing on Sunday political TV talk shows, for instance, in the first six months of 2001, and when they did appear, they got 10 percent less airtime (News Shows Leave Women's Voices Out, 2002, p. 4). The situation worsened considerably after the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, on September 11, 2001, when female presence plummeted to near-total absence on both TV screens and in newspapers. Commenting for The Guardian, Madeleine Bunting (2001) observed that women had been "wiped off many newspaper pages and television screens, at a time when women had much to say about events that affected them deeply." She said, "The people handling this crisis are men. It is men who perpetrated this violence and men who organize the response. The power structure is exposed at such times, as the token women slide into the background, leaving war to men." (Bunting, 2001, n.p.).

Serious news of all kinds marginalizes women, even when it has an obvious gender connection. For example, in analyzing world news coverage of the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which occurred on December 10, 1998, Byerly (2002) found only 12 stories (4%) out of more than 300 in English and Spanish, circulating on world news wires, had a paragraph or more specifically about human rights as they relate to women. Nagrath (2001, Winter) examined three English-language newspapers in India over a six-week period, coding for any reference to females in bylines, headlines, issues directly related to women's lives, etc. She found the Times of India to have nearly half of its stories by-lined by a female writer, with crimes against women being the highest category of news stories related to women (pp. 71-72). Nagrath's study is relevant to the present discussion in that it makes a link between male-ownership, male organizational structures, and the persistent reliance on male-oriented news values, such as covering events (where men's deeds and leadership emerge as paramount) rather than issues (which could more easily introduce women's interests).

Understanding the deeper structures of men's ownership and control of news and other industries today requires a journey into the political-economy of neoliberalism, which spawned globalization. Known also as neo-corporatism and neo-conservatism, neoliberalism emerged as both a philosophy and a practice in the 1970s as a backlash response to the successful efforts of labor unions, women's and civil rights groups and other civic organizations to increase minimum wage and extend greater equality among the have and have nots. Neoliberal philosophy sees government's role as to enable large-scale business to expand at will and to minimize any forces that might interfere. Neoliberalism also views organized labor as a threat to be weakened, and believes any protesting citizens should be denied avenues to speak or create opposition (McChesney, March 2001; George, 2000). Though it came to be associated especially with President Ronald Reagan in the US and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in England, neoliberalism has permeated international events for quarter of a century. Latin American economist Eduardo Silva (1998) explains that neoliberalism firmly entrenched itself throughout South America after the late 1970s. In Chile, for example, neoliberal policies were implemented under military President Augusto Pinochet by the late 1970s in the form of re-energized business associations, which were responding to "the political success of organized labor, middle classes, and governments bent on economic reform or redistributive policies" (p. 217). Silva notes that these associations represented "the interests of large-scale landowners, merchants, financiers, mine owners and industrialists, who resented the populist economic restructuring that had taken place under socialist president Salvador Allende, who was overthrown and killed in a military coup led by Pinochet in 1973." (p. 219).

The news and entertainment media play a central role in spreading neoliberal values, according to McChesney (March 2001). Neoliberal values manifest themselves in many subtle ways —e.g., in the American context, the word "consumer" has been substituted for the word "citizen" in public discourse, reaffirming the widespread assumption that active participation in consumer society makes one a good citizen. Critical media researchers like Bagdikian (1987), Herman and McChesney (1997), and McChesney (1999) have tracked these events in news industries, raising growing concerns that such dramatic restructuring is by its very nature undemocratic because it limits the number of outlets and range of perspectives in operation. Progressive television journalist Bill Moyers has pointed out that in American media today there is almost no place left for dissent, which has been cleanly eliminated from American mainstream news and public affairs TV programming. Moyers own weekly program "Now," which broadcasts Friday evenings on Public Broadcasting System (PBS), is one of the few outlets to critically cover media conglomeration and to shine a bright light on the FCC deliberations since 2002. Moyers and PBS have been under systematic assault and threat from conservatives, he told audience members at a media reform conference in November 2003, in Madison, Wisconsin. Still, even Moyers has done little to provide a gender analysis of the problem, focusing instead on the broader concern for "media democracy."

It serves this discussion to emphasize that neoliberalism is inherently androcentric, favoring men's control of economic (and other) institutions and rendering nearly invisible women's perspectives. Writing from different disciplines and nations, Beale and Van Den Bosch (1998), Byerly (2001, Winter) and Nagrath (2001, Winter) agree that feminist scholarship must begin to involve women more actively both in the analysis of media structures and in the development of media policy. They recognize that the structures of men's financial and political power have not been constructed accidentally or at random. Nagrath also emphasizes that alternatives must be found to funding news operations. Until they are independent of commercial interests, she says, they will not have the autonomy to represent women (p. 72).

An essential task is to recognize that economic relations defining today's capitalist global economy have been constructed through a series of laws and agreements written and adopted by both governmental and quasi-governmental groups. Laws enabled deregulation, for instance, and bodies like the U.S. Senate approved international arrangements like the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944, which helped to regulate currency rates and established the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The enormously powerful, western-dominated World Bank and IMF are part of a present-day capitalist infrastructure that also includes quasi-governmental groups like the Paris-based Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and controversial international World Trade Organization (WTO). OECD specifically defines itself as an international organization that "helps governments tackle the economic, social and governance challenges of a globalized economy" (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2002). The WTO, which replaced its predecessor General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1995, was created specifically to help the governments of its 144 member nations to negotiate trade and other economic arrangements (World Trade Organization, 2002).

Criticisms of these agencies include charges that they are both undemocratic and unaccountable to citizenries, since none of their executives or advisory members are elected by citizens of the nations they represent. Exclusion is specifically relevant to women, who have participated very little in any of these events or groups. Nor are women presently in a position to enact legislation to undo what has already occurred. While data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union show that the numbers of women in national legislatures continue to increase slowly in all but the Arab States (Ford Foundation Report, Winter 2000), women are still few in number in official policy positions. Worth pointing out, however, is that women vary considerably in their perspectives. Therefore, from the standpoint of removing logjams that prevent women's interests from surfacing in decision making on both economic and media policy, it is reasonable to assume that only women with a feminist analysis of the situation would be inclined to insist that policy benefit women.

In questioning the underpinnings of power, we would be remiss if we overlooked one of the best friends to the global economy, American higher education and media education in particular. Students in the U.S. and Europe in the 1960s denounced campuses for their unholy alliances with business and industry, but the relationships have only grown stronger in decades since. Press and Washburn (2000) criticize American universities for taking increasing amounts of money from multi-national corporations and, in many cases, allowing those companies to dictate the terms under which research is conducted. Professors also "often own stock in companies that fund their work," the authors say (p. 40). Moreover, "behind closed doors some corporate sponsors are manipulating manuscripts before publication to serve their interests" (p. 42). Corporate influence had become so serious that in 2000, the Washington D.C.-based American Association of University Professors (AAUP) launched a special campaign to address what it called the "corporatization of higher education." In its fundraising materials, AAUP said:

"The corporate model is infiltrating higher education. Under its influence, faculty work is defined in terms of profit and loss; students are seen as "customers"; and education is a commodity packaged to fit customer demand, priced to suit the market, and designed for efficient delivery." (Corporatization of Higher Education, 2000)

The pamphlet states, ". . the faculty's ability to conduct long-term inquiry in pursuit of knowledge is eroded by the decline in public support for research by mounting demands that research results have immediate commercial application" (Corporatization of Higher Education, 2000).

Sociologist Stanley Aronowitz (2000) finds that in recent years, university presidents and chancellors, in the United States, have come to resemble corporate CEOs more than educators, and:

"[T]heir grasp of the mission of the university has been articulated in terms of (a) the job market and (b) the stock market. The intellectual mission of the academic system now exists as an ornament, that is, as a legitimating mechanism, for a host of more prosaic functions." (Aronowitz, 2000, p. 62)

Aronowitz argues that "[t]hinking means questioning the nature and content of approved knowledge" (p. 159). Feminist scholars, of course, just as others with critical intellectual agendas, operate on a left-of-center continuum, a precarious place to be in this neoliberal era.

Communication scholar Lawrence Soley (1995) has pointed out that professors who cultivate corporate ties get "perks, promotion, tenure and endowed professorships, and move up in the university hierarchy" (p. 146). Soley also criticizes university boards of trustees, increasingly composed of corporate CEOs and other representatives. Journalism faculty have experienced the corporate presence incrementally and in a variety of ways for many years. Large news corporations had created foundations by the mid 20th century, giving major gifts to journalism programs for research, to underwrite capital improvements (such as upgrades to technology), develop research centers, create endowed faculty posts, and other purposes. The gratitude of journalism schools toward their benefactors has been both overt and subtle. Many journalism programs today include the names of their wealthy corporate donors: the S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communication at Syracuse University (named for the late publishing magnate Samuel I. Newhouse), the Phillip Merrill College of Journalism at University of Maryland (named for Baltimore media entrepreneur Phillip Merrill), the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism at Ohio University (named for the late newspaper chain owner Edward W. Scripps), the Roy H. Park School of Communication at Ithaca College (named for the late mixed media conglomerate owner Roy H. Park), and so forth. Even journalism programs that retain independent identity receive generous gifts from Knight, Scripps, Freedom Forum (originally Gannett Foundation) and other foundations, whose fortunes originated with news and other publishing revenues) in order to fund aspects of their journalism program. Moreover, journalism programs develop strategic relationships with corporate media organizations, which results in high profile journalists giving public lectures on college campuses and being brought onto journalism faculties as either visiting or full-time teachers. Systematic research is lacking on the last of these. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that journalism education programs draw heavily on corporate media resources, with high profile male journalists and journalism educators the usual beneficiaries.

Journalism departments promote corporate values in a number of ways. Already mentioned is the presence of industry professionals on faculties and its emphasis on journalism practiced in commercially funded enterprises. In addition, departments require students to serve internships in newsrooms, and they sponsor job fairs that help to make undergraduates more accessible to the corporate workplace. Even though critical perspectives involving gender, class or race analyses may be offered in both news reporting and theoretical courses by individual faculty, these may receive little reinforcement across the journalism curriculum. Active lobbying by feminist and ethnic minority members in the late 1980s in the U.S. based Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (AEJMC), resulted in members' adoption of "Standard 12" in accrediting criteria. Standard 12 requires departments of journalism seeking accreditation (or re-accreditation) to adopt multicultural curricula and to recruit and maintain both women and minorities in their faculty and student bodies, in order to obtain and keep accreditation. However, journalism educators have yet to address inequities among women and minorities resulting from the departments' cozy relationships with news industries owned by wealthy white men.

It is essential for women to develop a solid cross-cultural gender analysis of media conglomeration if we are to find a way out of the present deadlock. Women like myself, who have been involved variously as professional journalists, feminist activists and media academics, can play a role in the development of such an analysis. However, we also need the broader involvement of women still involved at these points of work to describe how they experience conglomeration and what they are doing to resist it, including the establishment of alternative (parallel) communication structures. It goes without saying that we must also collaborate cross-culturally on an international interventionist strategy that aims to affect telecommunication policies. Women's limited access to the public sphere, including that potentially afforded by news media, require strategies for changing gender relations in ownership, control, and funding of media structures. Beale and Van Den Bosch (1998) are among those beginning to identify ways for feminist scholarship to be involved in political change leading to media reform. They suggest that feminist research can expand the normally narrow parameters of policy analysis and intervention to identify how women will be benefited or harmed by media policy (p. 2). These activities should complement and support the call for media reforms presently emerging in popular feminism in nations today. For example, in the U.S., in late March 2002, more than 60 feminists demonstrated outside the offices of the Federal Communications Commission, in Washington DC, to protest the agency's ealier ruling that further dismantled regulations against media mergers and acquisitions in the cable and television industries. The demonstration was organized by a grassroots coalition that included long time media activist Jennifer Pozner, who recently formed Women in Media and News (WIMN); Terry O'Neill, vice president of National Organization for Women (NOW); Media Tank, and American Resurrection (Pozner, 2002). The coalition intends to build its ranks by enlisting immigrant rights and civil rights groups, feminist organizations, and other groups concerned with social justice. NOW's O'Neill said that her organization —- the largest feminist group in the US — views the media as more than just a business, but rather an entity with "a responsibility to serve the public interest and ensure that all voices are heard" (Bennett, 2002, p. 13). Without the media, she believes, women cannot be adequately informed to participate in the democratic process.

Feminist scholars', journalists, activists and other popular leaders' engagement with media reform has been slow in emerging alongside a media reform movement that began in the 1990s. In the United States, that movement has been led mostly by progressive men from groups including Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), Institute for Public Accuracy, Media Access Group and, more recently, Media Education Foundation and Media Reform, the movement recognizes the threat to democratic freedoms associated with fewer and fewer corporate media conglomerates, and poses both broad and specific goals. They include applying existing anti-monopoly laws to the media; passing new laws curtailing ownership; conducting research; holding public hearings; establishing low-power, non-commercial radio and television stations; and reinvigorating the existing public broadcast system to eliminate commercial pressures. In addition, the movement proposes economic changes that include tax-payer credits for donations to media, eliminating political candidate ads as a condition of broadcast licensing; reducing or eliminating TV advertising targeted at children under 12; and adopting regulations that require local TV stations to grant journalists an hour of commercial-free news each day (McChesney & Nichols, 2002, Jan. 2). All of these proposals would serve to de-commercialize and broaden the democratic potential of the media, and women would clearly benefit from them as would all citizens. But the absence of gender-specific language and concerns signals an underlying problem in the longer-running movement and provides a compelling reason for a parallel feminist movement to articulate what women need from a more democratic media system.

1 -- The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) was created by the Federal Communications Act of 1934, in order to assure that the public's interest would be served by broadcasters. The act views the airwaves to be publicly owned. In years since, the FCC's duties have been expanded to include establishment of regulation in all media ownership. There are five commissioners on the FCC, appointed by the US President and approved by the US Senate, and serving five years each. They are to represent both Democrat and Republican parties, with the sitting president's party in the majority. In recent years, commissioners have been drawn from the largest media companies and strongly partisan in their positions regarding broadcast regulation.


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