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Introduction
There
is no scarcity of reflections and commentary on
the impact of the disaster that shook the coasts
of several Asian countries on 26 December 2004.
The media have, at least until recently, looked
into almost every conceivable angle: the impact
on tourism, the impact on the environment, revealed
underwater villages, even the impact on animals.
One area that has so far received less attention
is the gender impact of the tsunami, and its impact
on women in particular.
As
a result, we are a long way from really understanding
the social impacts of the disaster, let alone
what concrete steps must be taken to ensure that
both the immediate response and long-term policies
are effective in bringing relief.
This
briefing seeks to promote debate and awareness
of the issues and to ensure that the recovery
phase of the relief effort integrates the problems
raised. It looks at the impact of the tsunami
in Indonesia, India, and Sri Lanka, and in particular
at how it has affected women. It concludes with
some recommendations about how we can start addressing
the problems raised.
Getting
the facts rights
Differences
in context mean we cannot generalise
Oxfams experience in disasters has shown
that disasters, however natural, are
profoundly discriminatory. Wherever they hit,
pre-existing structures and social conditions
determine that some members of the community will
be less affected while others will pay a higher
price. Among the differences that determine how
people are affected by such disasters is that
of gender.
So
far we know that the tsunami killed more than
220,000 people in 12 countries spanning South-East
Asia, South Asia, and East Africa while, according
to the Red Cross, more than 1.6 million people
have been displaced.
The
information most urgently needed relates to mortality
and displacement figures, disaggregated by sex.
In Aceh province in Indonesia, and in India and
Sri Lanka, there is abundant, if partial, evidence
that many more women and children have died than
men.
In
Indonesia, in the four villages in the Aceh Besar
district surveyed by Oxfam for this report, only
189 of 676 survivors were female. Male survivors
outnumbered female survivors by a ratio of almost
3:1. In four villages in North Aceh district,
out of 366 deaths, 284 were females: females accounted
for 77 per cent (more than three-quarters) of
deaths in these villages. In the worst affected
village, Kuala Cangkoy, for every male who died,
four females died or in other words, 80
per cent of deaths were female. In the Borongon
camp, just outside Banda Aceh, a room accommodates
21 widowers who have chosen to live together to
cope with the responsibilities of caring for their
surviving children.
In
Cuddalore in India, almost three times as many
women were killed as men, with 391 female deaths,
compared with 146 men. In Pachaankuppam village,
the only people to die were women. In Sri Lanka
too, partial information such as camp surveys
and press reports suggest a serious imbalance
in the number of men and women who survived.
Some
of the causes of these patterns are similar across
the region: many women died because they stayed
behind to look for their children and other relatives;
men more often than women can swim; men more often
than women can climb trees. But differences too
are important: women in Aceh, for example, traditionally
have a high level of participation in the labour
force, but the wave struck on a Sunday morning
when they were at home and the men were out on
errands away from the seafront. Women in India
play a major role in fishing and were waiting
on the shore for the fishermen to bring in the
catch, which they would then process and sell
in the local market. In Sri Lanka in Batticoloa
District, the tsunami hit at the hour women on
the east coast usually took their baths in the
sea.
Even
more important for the purposes of relief and
long-term reconstruction is the need to understand
the consequences of such demographic changes.
How safe are women in crowded camps and settlements,
when they are so outnumbered by men in several
of the countries in question? Will widows in India
have access to land once owned by their husbands?
Will younger women enter into marriages with much
older men, as already seems to be happening in
some locations? And will this carry risks in terms
of compromising their education and reproductive
health? In the fishing communities of South India,
what rights will surviving women enjoy under new
arrangements and programmes? In whose names will
newly built houses be registered? Will men take
on new domestic roles, or will womens workloads
increase?
Date
of original publication: March 2005
From:
www.oxfam.org.uk
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